Musing over our political rhetoric



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It is indeed worthwhile to stop and examine events of recent years in the world in order to put them into context for our own local Nigerian politics.
I will argue that the logical starting point should be the American presidential campaign, and the ongoing struggle for nomination by the Republican Party candidates.  Without straining, or even exerting too much attention, it is clear that some of the things that the American electorate is considering, in order to make informed choices, regarding the candidate of their choice, does not even centre around notions like the state of origin, or the religious affiliations of the respective candidates, but on substantive policies that address the basic necessities of life, and policies which reach out to citizens.

Just in case there are those who want to plead ignorance on these matters, these are issues that include things like fuel prices, jobs, taxes, the complexion of the public sector, foreign policy management, values that uphold the tradition of family, and, in a broader sense, the policies that will guarantee security and sustainable development in a manner beneficial to the young.

Although it is true that many citizens bring different biases to underscore some of their choices, however, we often see reasoned efforts at severe consideration of the various proposals, as well as an openness and willingness to tolerate difference and opposition with respect to some of the issues at stake which often runs counter to widely accepted norms.

The Issue

While it is not my intention to make a comparison between Nigeria and America or any other country, it is inevitable for us to ignore the silent tussle, or what I would like to call the “war of regions” that is playing out in Nigeria today, and which, when put together invariably generates a disturbing disconnect, and a feeling of melancholy about why for us here, the first principle is about region and an eagerness to trigger the threat to secede. This is the standard staple echoed by our so-called “first class elite” and the “elite middle class” of all the regions in question. Never for them, a focus and commitment to those policies that will make us grow beyond our weaknesses.

I cannot now think of a more plausible reason for adopting a federal system of government rather than addressing the peculiar needs of peculiar people, because the beauty of this system is that it allows for a grass root level to function in a manner that will provide the opportunity to foster development.
In most countries operating a federal system of government, the responsibility for revenue sharing and even determination of the criteria employed is often left to an independent fiscal commission as was the case in 1946 and 1990 if we recall the role played by the National Revenue and Fiscal and Commission.


However, from what is obtainable at the moment, each level of government is guaranteed a percentage from the central pool that is called the federation account. If we say that this federation account is fed mainly by the revenue derived from the following four major categories: Tax, Agriculture, Export of raw materials and Crude oil, the latter being the most lucrative, the question lingers as to the distributive equity we adopt in sharing this revenue. Going through our previous constitutions, regardless of its defects, I find the treatment of revenue allocation under the Macpherson constitution a bit more appealing to what should have formed the basis of a successful solution to the current irregularities in the Nigerian context

The problem of revenue sharing

Although sharing revenue based on the principles of derivation, need, and national interest, at that time was somewhat alienating, what is most striking about the perceived discontent right now is an existing lopsidedness in development; a lopsidedness I will argue is orchestrated two vices –corruption and self-interest.
Then there is the frustrating anger we must feel at the fact that the chunk of the money continue to stay within the federal purse, and is administered and managed by the Federal government to the obvious neglect of the rural areas where almost 80 percent of Nigerians live.

In the consideration of revenue distribution and development, my argument will be that we give serious attention to the local government, noting that the lives of 80 percent of our compatriots is determined here, and that even though they are passive participants in the politics of revenue sharing, their ultimate concern is how to get good accommodation in a safe environment, potable water, food, and an assured future for their kids.
Nothing has ached me more than the vain arguments of our northern governors now clamoring for more revenue, and using revenue deprivation as an excuse for their greed and gross incompetence, an incompetence that has led to the inexcusable underdevelopment of the north, where, all of a sudden, poverty has been made synonymous with our region. 
Frankly I cannot think enough of these our governors looking for fast cash, like the infamous gangster, playing poker in a Las Vegas casino at the expense of the poor, the same poor for whom such considerations like ethnicity or religion make no sense in the first place; and who live on a day to day basis trying to create comfort out of a prepaid life because they are unable to plan for more than the next 24 hours.

Ultimately, the unattended part of the discourse on revenue distribution is of course that of revenue production. We are concerned about sharing the cake but less concerned about baking it. This is after all what sets us aside from the western nations of the world who put greater premium on taxes.
I long for the day that this becomes the basis of our revenue dialogue rather than on transient resources that offer no hope for a sustainable future and which helps to fuel a vicious cycle of corruption and self interest leadership. When that day comes, then the new slogan of governance shall be “what can I do for the country” rather than “how much can I make from the country during my tenure” God Bless Nigeria!

Originally Published in Premium Times Newspaper

Africa's Ageless Leaders

Foto Source: African Examiner

“This is the man to trust” was the campaign slogan for Senegal’s Septuagenarian Abdoulaye Wade as he fiercely sought for a third term in office after successfully completing two full terms.

This is in spite of the fact that his first tenure was responsible for adjusting the country’s constitution to allow a President to serve for only two terms in office.

I tried to observe the events that unfolded in Senegal keenly even though my subconscious kept warning me that it would be the same “happy ending” as we have come to know it, where another defiant African sits tight in power.

As days went by Senegal became the setting of the most thrilling news game in town. It was a hilarious clash of headlines from hopeful ones like “Senegal, one of Africa’s most stable democracies is facing its most tumultuous polls since independence”, to flat comments expressing loaded anxieties like “Senegal’s Wade to battle ex-allies in vote.”

However, the most attractive by my own interpretation was bound to have a Nigerian flavour: “African envoy Obasanjo heads to Senegal to defuse tension.”

The irony is vivid if not palpable but in truth, it wasn’t even my desire to allude to certain contextual cues that instantly recalls memories of the infamous Nigerian “Third Term Agenda.”  What was most exciting for me was the sense of pride and elation I savoured privately at the thought that the prominent international role of mediating this democratic impasse went to an elder statesman from my home country.

Frankly I did not expect Abdoulaye Wade to readily agree to withdraw his candidacy after a brotherly chat and probably after a few drinks with Mr. Obasanjo, but negotiating with him to stay only two years in power “If” he wins was nothing but a breakthrough moment in diplomacy.


 Instances where the people prevailed
The Arab spring came along with a lot of hope for Africa after it triumphed in the most conservative and subservient, or so we thought Arab countries especially in the north of Africa. Many argued that the Arabs, unlike black Africa, are hot tempered in the dimension that makes it difficult for them to negotiate easy resolutions, and achieve modest concessions.


“It is all about their mentality to be un-compromising” I have heard people say, contrasting them to the resolve that appears to be lacking in black Africa. Fighting to the death, although a noble trait in the face of high principles, simply does not add up when the desired goal takes a long time to gestate if what is going on in Syria is of any reference for us today.

This, invariably, brings us to the big question on the longevity of service of our rare breed of leaders within the 75 to 100 age window.  These categories of leaders create a monarchy out of their forced self-succession in power.

My people say “what an old man sees standing, a young man cannot see even when he is on the highest elevation available.” As the lessons of history counsel us, it is the protean status of these seat tight leaders that engenders public distrust and confusion. Our leaders usually started well, quoting the apt rendition of Chinua Achebe, as  “Men of the People.” But they are also adept at mutating midway as strong leaders unwilling to vacate power.

Other notable examples!
It is appropriate to reference a few good examples at this point. The case of Laurent Gbagbo, the history professor, rhetorician, and wordsmith, who earned the nickname Cicero, is worth telling. Gbagbo suffered deprivation himself under the endless but brutish rule of President Félix Houphouet-Boigny, and when he first came to power was considered a saviour but ended up in disgrace for plunging his country to war and terrible murder.


Robert Mugabe became a national icon and a force of reckon after he challenged the white minority rule of Ian Smith in Zimbabwe. His swearing-in ceremony in 1980 was one filled with gratitude, so much emotion and renewed hope. But it is now 32 years and even the euphoria felt at the time is obviously extinct.

In Cameroun, after succeeding President Ahmadou Ahidjo, who resigned surprisingly in 1982, Paul Biya has continued to be president even though he has been accused of being aloof and out of tune with the reality of the country. This is without prejudice to the fact that in 2004, he was limited to a two-term limit in the 1996 Constitution and barred from running for President again in 2011.


In his 2008 New Year’s message, Biya stunned the nation by expressing support for the process of revising the Constitution, saying that it was undemocratic to limit the people’s choice!

Yet it is not all a tale of bleak house, the one person who is still allowing the continent to have a glimpse of that surreal feeling is Nelson Mandela. The question is therefore appropriate as to when we will have another Mandela who showed the world the noble example of serving one term and then stepping aside .
Originally Published in Premium Times Newspaper